
26th November, 2025
The US housing bubble is entering what appears to be its final, unstable phase. Home prices sit far beyond what local incomes can sustain, debt loads have quietly swollen, and the early signs of strain e.g., rising delinquencies, faltering credit quality, and liquidity tightness etc., are already emerging.
The post-COVID explosion in housing demand created a money-illusion of unstoppable prosperity, buoyed by government interventions, artificially low interest rates, and private credit that flowed as if consequences no longer existed. For a few years, this produced a kind of euphoric real-estate carnival, complete with bidding wars, reckless speculation, and a widespread belief that the era of double-digit appreciation had somehow become permanent.
But bubbles do not deflate gently. They burst.
In a recent conversation, housing analyst Melody Wright laid out a series of developments that, taken together, reveal a market deteriorating beneath the surface. Delinquencies are rising from the most artificially suppressed levels in history. Millions of borrowers have less equity than they think. A new class of government-backed subprime borrowers has emerged, and the financial system that supports the housing market is beginning to show early, familiar signs of a liquidity squeeze.
This moment feels strikingly similar to the early months of 2006 and 2007, except today the distortions are far larger and the vulnerabilities are spread across every major asset class, not just real estate. The government has far less room to intervene, the Federal Reserve faces rigid monetary constraints due to fiscal dominance, and the private credit system is more leveraged than it was during the buildup to the mortgage-backed securities disaster of 2008.
A soft landing is the least likely outcome. What we are seeing is the natural end of an overstimulated credit/debt cycle – one that has been allowed to inflate for decades.
Foreclosures rose twenty percent year-over-year in October, a figure that may seem mild until you recognize how heavily the government suppressed distress for nearly four years. Emergency programs, forbearance extensions, mortgage freezes, and a long list of pandemic-era relief measures kept hundreds of thousands of struggling households from entering the foreclosure pipeline. Those protections have now unraveled, and the data is beginning to reveal the backlog that had been artificially hidden.
Wright estimates that meaningful foreclosure volume will begin accelerating by mid-2026. She points to the FHA program in particular, where policy changes enacted in October will start affecting borrowers over the next eighteen to twenty-four months. A wave of incoming distressed listings appears almost inevitable.
The signals are already visible. More than 900,000 homeowners are underwater based on incomplete data, and the real figure is likely far higher because millions of dollars of deferred mortgage balances from the COVID period were never recorded in public databases. Property taxes and insurance premiums have increased sharply in many regions, pushing even previously safe, prime borrowers into uncomfortable financial territory. Some have begun refinancing into higher-rate products simply to manage the cash flow demands.
When foreclosure-driven comparable sales land in a neighborhood, price declines do not proceed slowly or gracefully. They cascade. This is how housing markets turn from cooling to cracking.
One of the most important revelations in Wright’s analysis is the idea of phantom equity, meaning the illusion that American homeowners are sitting on trillions in tappable wealth. Much of this supposed equity is nothing more than a data artifact created by missing payment histories, hidden private loans, and public record gaps that conceal the true extent of borrower indebtedness.
During COVID, enormous numbers of mortgage payments were deferred or paused, but these deferrals were never added to county records. Homeowners also took out private renovation loans, informal HELOCs, or financing arrangements that do not appear in public databases. As a result, many homeowners who believe they have six figures of equity may have far less, or none at all.
Credit scores have suffered a similar distortion. With student loans paused, evictions not reported, and mortgage delinquencies hidden under forbearance, millions of Americans emerged from the pandemic looking artificially “prime” on paper. Yet their underlying financial resilience deteriorated during the same period.
Wright notes that debt-to-income ratios within Fannie Mae’s automated underwriting systems now resemble the levels seen before the 2008 crash. This time, however, the borrowers appear stronger on the surface but weaker underneath. It is a new version of subprime, disguised as middle-class stability.
For several years, a mantra dominated real estate commentary: inventory is low, and that structural shortage will prevent home prices from falling. But markets do not stay frozen in time, and this cycle is now pivoting from scarcity to oversupply.
Distressed homeowners, strained by higher carrying costs and deteriorating job security, are beginning to list their homes. When the listings do not sell at the desired price, they reduce the price. If the reductions fail, pre-foreclosure follows. Builders who once sold homes faster than they could pour foundations are now finding themselves offering dramatic concessions, mortgage rate buydowns, and in many cases outright price cuts – none of which prevent the value of new construction from sinking beneath the loan amounts attached to them.
Short-term rental investors are another pressure point. Tourism is softening, operating costs have exploded, and the profit margins that once justified high leverage have evaporated. Many of these owners, especially those who scaled aggressively, will be forced to sell into weakening demand.
Long-term rental owners face a different challenge: rents are falling in key markets even as insurance and taxes rise, leaving many small landlords with negative cash flow. Some are now exiting properties simply because the math no longer works.
Meanwhile, multifamily developers who began massive projects during the interest-rate trough are now completing them in an entirely different economic environment. The flood of new units will increase supply just as demand weakens.
This is not the gentle rebalancing that optimistic analysts predicted. This is a supply-side surge converging with a demand-side collapse.
Financial crises rarely begin with a dramatic, public failure. They begin with liquidity quietly thinning out in the background. Wright draws attention to the repo market, an essential but opaque part of the financial system that allows institutions to borrow against high-quality assets like treasuries and mortgage-backed securities.
Recently, the Federal Reserve injected fresh liquidity to relieve emerging collateral stress, a move uncomfortably similar to the early interventions in 2007. When the repo market tightens, it means trust in collateral valuations is evaporating. This is dangerous in any environment, but especially perilous when the entire system is built on leveraged collateral chains.
The shadow banking system today is multiple times larger than it was during the run-up to 2008. A liquidity event in this environment would move faster and hit harder, sweeping through non-bank lenders, hedge funds, regional banks, and mortgage originators with devastating speed.
The financial architecture supporting the modern housing market is fraying.
Perhaps the most striking part of Wright’s analysis is her claim that the new subprime bubble is not coming from exotic Wall Street lenders but from the government itself. FHA, Fannie Mae, and Freddie Mac have all expanded their exposure to marginal borrowers, easing standards in ways that look eerily similar to the pre-crisis years, albeit with a bureaucratic veneer.
Borrowers with very low credit scores, minimal savings, and fragile income histories are being approved for loans with minimal down payments and heavy reliance on automated underwriting systems. Post-COVID loan modification programs allowed borrowers to pause their payments repeatedly without meaningful consequences, effectively normalizing non-payment. During county recording backlogs, some borrowers managed to secure multiple mortgages on the same property before previous liens were documented.
What emerges from all of this is a government-backed subprime pipeline; one that places nearly all the credit risk directly on taxpayers. When the correction deepens, the bill will be public, not private.
Financial fragility alone would be enough to destabilize the market, but a far slower and more structural force is also at work beneath the surface i.e., demographics. A massive demographic shift will reshape the housing market over the next decade.
The Baby Boomer generation, which holds the majority of residential real estate wealth, is aging rapidly. Millions will pass away between now and 2035, and millions more in the years after. Many of these individuals own one home, but a surprising number own two or three. Younger generations cannot afford to absorb this incoming supply, especially as taxes and insurance erode affordability even further.
Household size has declined dramatically. Where families once consisted of three and a half to four people, today the norm has shrunk to roughly two and a half. This means fewer people occupying more existing housing stock, a mismatch that ensures future excess supply.
Immigration temporarily offsets some of this decline, but it is not guaranteed to continue at its previous rates. Underneath the financial instability lies a demographic slowdown that ensures the eventual recovery from the coming correction will be weak, fragmented, and uneven.
When all these forces converge (rising foreclosures, deteriorating credit quality, phantom equity, repo market strain, speculative overbuild, weakening rental demand, and a looming demographic shift) the future of the US housing bubble becomes much clearer.
Home prices are likely to drift lower, with sudden increases in inventory arriving from unexpected corners of the market. Sentiment will erode as layoffs accelerate and financial markets begin to wobble. By early 2026, a visible foreclosure wave will appear, putting pressure on local markets and on the financial institutions that service the loans behind them. Regional banks may face repurchase demands. Non-bank lenders, increasingly dependent on short-term funding, will struggle. Stress in the repo market will intensify, pulling liquidity from the system.
By the second quarter of 2026, the foundations of the housing market may give way entirely. Prices will correct broadly and sharply. The government will likely step in, though not with enough force to reverse the trend. Policymakers may attempt to become the buyer of last resort, absorbing distressed mortgages and properties into public hands, but these interventions will only cushion the fall, not prevent it.
From an Austrian perspective, none of this is surprising. Credit cycles inflated by easy money and moral hazard always end the same way. Debt grows faster than incomes, speculation grows faster than production, and eventually confidence evaporates. Bubbles do not land softly; they burst. What follows is not a sudden collapse but a long, grinding adjustment that restores balance through painful but necessary correction.
The evidence is clear and mounting. The US housing bubble is breaking, and what lies ahead is not a mild cooling but the beginning of the end of an era.
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