
John Law and the Mississippi Company together form one of the most instructive episodes in early modern monetary history, illustrating how bold financial innovation can ignite spectacular prosperity and equally spectacular collapse.
John Law was born in 1671 into a Scottish family of goldsmiths and churchmen, he was one of twelve children (only four survived) of a prosperous goldsmith, whose business included money-dealing in addition to jewelry. While the goldsmith class had elevated status among craftsmen in the late 17th century, Law had gambled away his inheritance by age 21 and fallen deeply into debt.
The story goes that his mother intervened to buy up his debts at a discount to keep him out of debtor’s prison.
From this ignominious start, however, Law transformed himself. He taught himself probability theory, mastered the odds of dice and cards, and turned gambling into a business. Eventually he became acquainted with the monetary debates of London, where observers were grappling with coinage shortages, clipped silver coins, metallic debasement and the need for new forms of money.
With today’s proliferation of fiat money, central banking, and financial bubbles, the episode invites reflection, especially from the vantage of Austrian School thought (which emphasizes sound money, spontaneous order, capital structure, and the dangers of artificial credit expansion).
Law’s writings and proposals reflect a fairly advanced understanding of money for his time. He understood that what matters is not so much the material form of money (coins, paper) as the confidence in the medium of exchange and the ability to substitute present for future transactions. He noted that coins had been clipped, that the face value often exceeded the metal value, leading to mistrust of coins, which in turn induced barter and economic stagnation.
He observed phenomena akin to what later became known as Gresham’s Law, where “bad money drives out good.” So much clipping had occurred in England at this time that coins contained less than half the silver of their face value, and so people had started to return to barter.
In Amsterdam, Law studied the Bank of Amsterdam’s system of deposits of bullion, assessments of intrinsic value and issuance of credit paper, and noted that the public preferred bank‐notes to coins. He also advanced the idea that a national bank, issuing paper backed by something stable (he suggested land) could alleviate money‐shortage constraints and enable greater trade, credit, and prosperity.
Here Law is touching on themes central to Austrian thought i.e., the role of money as medium of exchange, not simply a store of value, the importance of trust and convertibility (or redeemability), and the perils of currency debasement and clipping. From an Austrian viewpoint, Law’s early insights were solid; economic activity suffers when there is money‐shortage or when the monetary medium fails to serve exchange efficiently.
Following unsuccessful overtures in Scotland and Austria/Vienna, Law arrived in France with a radical idea that promised to rescue the country from financial ruin. France had been left nearly bankrupt after decades of war under Louis XIV. The state was drowning in debt, tax collection was inefficient, and gold and silver (the lifeblood of commerce) were in short supply. Law believed he had the solution: paper money.
In 1716, he convinced the French regent, Philippe II, Duke of Orléans, to let him establish a private bank that issued paper notes. The bank later merged with the state and became the Banque Royale, the first national bank of France.
Soon after, Law launched the Mississippi Company, which promised enormous profits from French colonial trade in North America. Investors rushed in, buying shares with Law’s paper money. The government backed the scheme, and the price of Mississippi shares skyrocketed. On paper, France seemed to have entered a new golden age.
Law’s system worked for a while because confidence held. But the entire structure was built on illusion. The paper notes were not backed by enough gold or silver, and the supposed profits from the colonies were wildly exaggerated. As shares in the Mississippi Company soared, Law printed more and more paper money to satisfy demand, thereby feeding a speculative frenzy.
When early investors tried to cash out and redeem their notes for gold or silver, cracks appeared. There simply wasn’t enough metal to cover all the claims. To stop the panic, Law restricted the use and ownership of precious metals, even making it illegal to hold more than a small amount of gold or silver. France was effectively trapped in a paper-money system.
From the Austrian lens Law’s scheme represents a classic case of artificial credit expansion and monetary-inflation. The bank’s conversion from a deposit‐based institution to one issuing unbacked paper (or paper with weak backing) is a red flag. The volume of money and credit gets detached from the underlying structure of capital and production; the low interest rates and abundant liquidity distort capital allocation and produce asset‐price inflation.
By mid-1720, confidence collapsed. The value of Mississippi Company shares plummeted from 10,000 livres to about 500. Gold was draining from the bank, vendors refused to accept paper, Law outlawed gold exports, imposed restrictions, attempted gimmicks (public bonfires of bank-notes and share certificates), and all to no avail.
Inflation ravaged the economy, and the paper money became worthless. By the end of 1720, John Law had fled France in disgrace, leaving behind financial chaos and widespread poverty.
The episode left deep scars. It took years for France’s economy to recover, and public trust in banks and paper currency was destroyed for generations. Many historians see the Mississippi Bubble as an early warning about the dangers of uncontrolled credit expansion and speculative mania.
From an Austrian perspective this is a textbook unsound monetary regime leading to too many malinvestments (real-estate, speculative stocks), time-preference signals were distorted (artificially low interest rates), resources were misallocated, and when the system corrected, the reallocation was painful, and many were ruined.
At first glance, Law’s story might seem like a relic of the 18th century, but its lessons are surprisingly modern. Central banks today can create money electronically in ways that echo Law’s paper printing. Following the 2008 global financial crisis, interest rates were pushed to record lows, and central banks bought trillions in financial assets to stabilize markets. Asset prices, from housing to stocks, soared, enriching some but widening inequality.
Like Law’s France, the modern global economy relies heavily on confidence; confidence that currencies hold value, that debts will be repaid, and that growth will continue. As long as that trust endures, the system functions. When it breaks, it can unravel quickly.
It would be unfair to dismiss John Law entirely as a charlatan. He brought important innovations like the idea of a bank of issue, of paper money convertible to coin, of debt conversion, of joint-stock companies, of credit intermediated through bank‐notes rather than just coins. His proposals for land-backed currency, for stimulating commerce and trade when coin-shortage was constraining, were forward-looking. Many historians regard him as a monetary theorist of his time.
However, the implementation was fatally flawed. The rapid issuance of paper in a state‐monopoly environment, the reliance on speculative monopoly companies rather than productive enterprises, the weak backing of bank-notes, the lack of reserve discipline and the political entanglement with government debt and monopolies all contributed to systemic vulnerability.
The Mississippi bubble illustrates both the promise and the peril of monetary innovation. The promise is that finance and credit can enhance commerce beyond the limits of metallic money. The peril is that when money and credit are divorced from the real structure of production, malinvestments proliferate, and the correction is painful.
From the story of John Law and his Mississippi company, several lessons emerge for the thoughtful student of Austrian economics:
How did John Law’s land-bank proposal compare to other early modern attempts to create asset-backed money?
Law’s idea of using land as backing for paper money paralleled several 17th and 18th century proposals in England and Germany, where thinkers like William Petty and John Locke debated whether land could serve as a stable base for credit issuance. Compared with these proposals, Law was more ambitious; he envisioned a nationalized land bank capable of converting vast amounts of public debt into circulating notes. However, the logistical difficulties of valuing land, enforcing collateral, and ensuring liquidity made such systems hard to implement and even harder to manage during financial stress.
Why was the
Mississippi Company granted such broad monopoly privileges, and how did this
compare with other chartered companies of the era?
The Mississippi Company’s broad powers over trade, taxation, and colonization echoed the monopolistic structure of entities like the British East India Company and the Dutch VOC. However, Law’s company was unique in that its monopoly was explicitly tied to public-debt consolidation - the company absorbed French government debt in exchange for privileges. This made its financial stability directly entangled with fiscal policy, rendering its share price a proxy for state solvency. Other chartered companies, although politically influential, typically did not merge so completely with national debt management.
How did Law’s system
influence the evolution of later central banking practices in Europe?
Though Law’s system collapsed, it left a legacy: European policymakers became more aware of the potential, and dangers, of centralized note issuance. The Bank of England studied the Mississippi company episode closely, reinforcing its commitment to convertibility and reserve discipline. Later central banks in Sweden and Prussia incorporated elements of Law’s innovations (e.g., state-backed note issuance, public-debt management) but imposed stricter controls to prevent over-expansion of credit.
What were the
demographic and economic conditions in French Louisiana that conflicted with
the speculative narrative promoted by the Mississippi Company?
French Louisiana in the early 1700s was sparsely populated, underdeveloped, and vulnerable to disease and supply shortages. Agricultural output was low, Indigenous alliances were fragile, and infrastructure was rudimentary. Law’s marketing implied a thriving commercial empire brimming with mineral wealth and plantation potential - conditions far from reality. This contrast between promotional narrative and economic fundamentals intensified the bubble once investors realized the colonies could not justify the escalating share prices.
What psychological
factors contributed to the rapid escalation of the Mississippi Bubble?
Herd behavior, authority bias (trusting the Regent and the newly nationalized bank), and the narrative allure of colonial riches all fueled speculative demand. Additionally, investors anchored on rising share prices and overweighted recent trends - a phenomenon similar to modern reflexivity. The restriction on gold ownership heightened fear of missing out (FOMO), pushing savers to hold paper assets despite rising doubts.
John Law remains a captivating figure; a gambler turned banker, a visionary turned Mississippi company and bubble architect. His ambition to transform France’s monetary and financial system was bold and, for a moment, seemingly successful. But his regime faltered precisely because it violated core monetary and capital‐structure principles: unsound backing of money, credit out of line with savings, political monopolies and runaway issuance of liquidity.
As we reflect on 21st-century monetary policy, with central banks pushing ever-lower interest rates, inflating asset prices, expanding credit and issuing money without explicit backing, Law’s story is a vivid reminder that monetary systems demand discipline, market‐based signals and decentralized decision making. Ignoring those invites the spectre of adjustment, readjustment, loss of wealth, and severe recession.
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About the Author
Steve Bain is an economics writer and analyst with a BSc in Economics and experience in regional economic development for UK local government agencies. He explains economic theory and policy through clear, accessible writing informed by both academic training and real-world work.
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